KUHUSU MIRADI YA UTAFUTAJI NA UVUNAJI WA GESI ASILIA NCHINI

TAARIFA KWA VYOMBO VYA HABARI KUFAFANUA KUHUSU MIRADI YA UTAFUTAJI NA UVUNAJI WA GESI ASILIA NCHINI

1.0   UTANGULIZI

Wizara ya Nishati na Madini inapenda kutoa ufafanuzi wa miradi ya Gesi Asilia ambayo itatekelezwa kwa kushirikiana na wawekezaji katika Sekta ndogo ya Gesi Asilia na kueleza manufaa makubwa yatakayopatikana kwa wananchi wote wa Tanzania wakiwemo wale wa Mikoa ya Mtwara na Lindi.

Siku ya Alhamisi, tarehe 27 Disemba 2012, baadhi ya Vyama vya Siasa vya Upinzani viliratibu na kuhamasisha baadhi ya wakazi wa Mkoa wa Mtwara, wengi wao wakitokea Mtwara Mjini kufanya maandamano ya kudai raslimali ya Gesi Asilia iwanufaishe wakazi wa Mtwara na kupinga mradi mkubwa wa ujenzi wa Bomba la Gesi Asilia kutoka Mtwara hadi Dar es Salaam. Wizara ya Nishati na Madini inapenda kutoa taarifa ifuatayo kwa Wa-Tanzania wote kwa kupitia vyombo vya habari.

Tokea Uhuru, uchumi wa Tanzania umetegemea kilimo cha mazao ya biashara kama vile katani (Tanga na Morogoro), pamba (Mwanza, Mara na Shinyanga), kahawa (Kilimanjaro, Kagera, Ruvuma na Mara), chai (Iringa) na tumbaku (Tabora). Fedha za mazao haya zimewanufaisha wakazi wa mikoa yote ya nchi yetu bila ubaguzi wo wote wala wakulima wa kutoka mikoa hiyo hawajawahi kufanya maandamano wakidai upendeleo (dhidi ya Wa-Tanzania wengine) wa aina yo yote ile.

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Mapato yatokanayo na uchimbaji wa dhahabu (Mwanza, Geita, Mara, Shinyanga na Tabora), almasi (Shinyanga) na tanzanite (Manyara) yamewanufaisha Wa-Tanzania wote bila ubaguzi wo wote ule! Minofu ya samaki wa Ziwa Victoria (Mara, Mwanza na Kagera) imeliingizia Taifa letu fedha nyingi ambazo zimetumiwa na wakazi wa nchi nzima bila ubaguzi wo wote.

Aidha kuna mikoa ambayo inazalisha mazao ya chakula kwa wingi kwa manufaa ya Wa-Tanzania wote. Mahindi kutoka Rukwa, Mbeya, Ruvuma na Iringa yanasafirishwa kwenda mikoa yote ya nchi yetu bila kujali eneo yanakolimwa na wakazi wa mikoa hiyo hawajawahi kudai mahindi hayo ni kwa ajili ya watu wa mikoa hiyo pekee. Sukari ya Kilombero, Mtibwa na Kagera inatumiwa na wakazi wa mikoa yetu yote bila ya kuwepo madai ya mikoa inayozalisha sukari hii kupewa upendeleo wa aina yo yote ile. Maji ya Mto Ruvu yanatumiwa na wakazi wa Dar Es Salaam bila manung’uniko yo yote kutoka kwa wakazi wa eneo la chanzo cha Mto Ruvu.

Umeme wa kutoka Mtera, Kidatu na Kihansi (Dodoma na Morogoro), Hale (Tanga), na Nyumba ya Mungu (Kilimanjaro) unatumiwa na wakazi wote wa Tanzania bila ubaguzi au malalamiko ya wenyeji wa sehemu ambazo umeme huo unafuliwa na kusafirishwa kwenye Gridi ya Taifa. Kwa hiyo, kutokana na mifano hii michache, ni wajibu wa wazalendo na wapenda maendeleo wa kweli na hasa Wa-Tanzania wanaopinga ubaguzi wa aina yo yote ile kujiuliza kwa kina sababu zilizopelekea Vyama Siasa vya Upinzani kupanga, kuhamasisha, kushabikia na kuongoza maandamano ya tarehe 27 Disemba 2012 pale Mtwara Mjini.

2.0   RASLIMALI YA GESI ASILIA TANZANIA

Gesi Asilia ilianza kugundulika hapa nchini tangu mwaka 1974 kwenye Kisiwa cha Songo Songo, Mkoani Lindi. Baada ya hapo Gesi Asilia imegundulika maeneo ya Mtwara Vijijini, yaani Mnazi Bay (1982) na Ntorya (2012), Mkuranga (Pwani, 2007), Kiliwani (Lindi, 2008). Kiasi cha Gesi Asilia iliyogunduliwa katika maeneo haya inakadiriwa kuwa Futi za

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Ujazo Trilioni 4.5 – 8. Katika kipindi cha miaka mitatu iliyopita, kumekuwa na kasi kubwa ya utafutaji Mafuta na Gesi Asilia uliojikita zaidi kwenye maji ya kina kirefu cha bahari. Kiasi cha Gesi Asilia iliyogundulika katika kina kirefu cha maji inafikia takribani Futi za Ujazo Trilioni 27. Kiasi cha wingi wa Gesi Asilia yote iliyogunduliwa nchi kavu na baharini inafikia takribani Futi za Ujazo Trilioni 35.

Kufuatana na Sheria za nchi yetu zinazotumiwa kugawa mipaka ya mikoa iliyopo kando kando mwa bahari (isivuke 12 nautical miles au 22.22 km kuingia baharini), Gesi Asilia iliyogunduliwa hadi sasa katika

Mkoa wa Mtwara pekee ni asilimia 14 tu ya gesi yote iliyogundulika nchini. Kwa kutumia kigezo hicho cha Sheria za mipaka ya ki-utawala ya mikoa yetu, Lindi inayo 7% ya gesi yote, Pwani 1% na huku Kina Kirefu cha Bahari (Deep Sea) ndicho chenye gesi nyingi (78%) kuliko mikoa yote ikiwekwa pamoja! Kwa hiyo, hakukuwa na haja ya kufanya maandamano kwa sababu Gesi Asilia nyingi inapatikana kwenye bahari ya kina kirefu ambayo iko ndani ya mipaka ya nchi yetu bila kujali mipaka ya mikoa yetu. Isitoshe Gesi Asilia imegundiliwa kwenye miamba tabaka (sedimentary rocks) yenye umri wa Miaka kati ya Milioni 199.6 hadi 23.03. Mipaka ya Bara la Afrika, ya nchi yetu na ile ya mikoa yetu haikuwepo wakati huo!

Utafutaji wa Mafuta na Gesi Asilia pia unaendelea tukiwa wa mategemeo makubwa ya upatikanaji wa raslimali hizi katika Mikoa ya Arusha, Kilimanjaro, Tanga, Manyara, Kigoma, Mbeya, Njombe, Rukwa, Katavi, Morogoro na Tabora pamoja na kwenye kina kirefu cha maji baharini kuanzia mpaka wetu na Msumbiji hadi mpaka wetu na Kenya. Hatutarajii mikoa hii nayo ifanye maandamano ya kutaka kuhodhi raslimali za Gesi Asilia na Mafuta zitakapogunduliwa mikoani mwao.

3.0      MATUMIZI YA GESI ASILIA YA MNAZI BAY (MTWARA) NA SONGO SONGO (LINDI)

Mpaka hivi sasa Gesi Asilia inayozalishwa na kutumika nchini ni kutoka Mnazi Bay (Mtwara Vijijini) na Songo Songo (Kilwa, Lindi). Gesi ya Mnazi

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Bay kwa sasa huzalisha umeme kwa ajili ya Mikoa ya Mtwara na Lindi tu. Mitambo ya kufua umeme kutokana na Gesi Asilia iliyopo Mtwara Mjini inao uwezo wa kuzalisha MW 18 lakini matumizi ya umeme ya Mikoa ya Mtwara na Lindi haijavuka MW 12. Umeme huo wa Mtwara unafuliwa na TANESCO huku Kampuni za Wentworth na Maurel & Prom zikizalisha Gesi Asilia (inayotumiwa na TANESCO) kiasi cha Futi za Ujazo Milioni 2 kwa siku. Ikumbukwe kwamba ufuaji wa umeme wa hapo Mtwara Mjini ulikuwa mikononi mwa Kampuni ya Artumas iliyofilisika. Tangu Desemba 2006 hadi leo hii kiasi cha gesi kilichotumika kufua umeme kwa ajili ya mikoa hiyo miwili ni chini ya asilimia 1 ya gesi yote iliyogundulika Mnazi Bay (Mtwara Vijijini). Vilevile ikumbukwe kwamba kuna visima vinne vya Gesi Asilia pale Mnazi Bay (Mtwara Vijijini) na kinachotumika kwa sasa na tena kwa kiwango cha chini kabisa ni kimoja tu!

Aidha ni vizuri ndugu zangu Wa-Tanzania wakaelewa kuwa Gesi Asilia hii inatafutwa na kuchimbwa na wawekezaji wenye mitaji mikubwa, wataalamu na teknolojia ya utafutaji na uchimbaji wa Gesi Asilia ambao wanapaswa kurejesha mitaji yao. Uchorangaji wa kisima kimoja cha utafutaji wa Gesi Asilia nchi kavu unahitaji Dola za Marekani Milioni 40, na kwenye kina kirefu cha maji baharini zinahitajika zaidi ya Dola za Marekani Milioni 100. Ikumbukwe kwamba, Serikali kwa kushirikiana na Shirika la Mafuta la Tanzania (TPDC), inatumia fedha za walipa kodi wa nchi nzima kwa shughuli za kuvutia, kuratibu na kusimamia utafutaji na uendelezaji wa Gesi Asilia nchini kote ikiwemo Mikoa ya Mtwara na Lindi. Walipa kodi Wa-Tanzania bado hawajalalamika wala hawajafanya maandamano ya kudai fedha zao za kodi zisitumike huko Mtwara!

Ni muhimu pia tukaelewa kwamba Gesi Asilia iliyopo Mnazi Bay (Mtwara Vijijini) inazalisha umeme peke yake kwa ajili ya Mikoa ya Mtwara na Lindi. Gesi Asilia ya Songo Songo (Kilwa, Lindi) ndiyo inayotumika kuzalisha umeme kwa ajili ya Gridi ya Taifa, na pia kwa ajili ya wananchi wa Kisiwa cha Songo Songo (Lindi), maeneo ya Somanga

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Fungu (Lindi) na viwandani (Dar Es Salaam). Tangu Oktoba 2004 ambapo mitambo ya kufua umeme ilipoanza kazi hadi leo hii, kiasi cha Gesi Asilia ya Songo Songo kilichotumika ni asilimia 7 tu ya Gesi Asilia yote iliyogunduliwa huko. Kwa hiyo, takwimu zinaonyesha kwamba hata uchumi wa Jiji la Dar Es Salaam unatumia kiasi kidogo sana cha Gesi Asilia (7%) iliyopo Songo Songo (Kilwa, Lindi). Ikumbukwe kwamba waajiriwa kwenye viwanda vya Dar Es Salaam wamo wanyeji wa kutoka Mtwara Mjini ambako maandamano yalifanyika na vilevile wamo wafanyakazi ambao ni wanachama wa Vyama vya Siasa vya Upinzani vilivyopanga, ratibu na kushabikia maandamano ya Mtwara Mjini ya tarehe 27 Disemba 2012.

4.0      MIPANGO YA MATUMIZI YA GESI ASILIA KATIKA KIPINDI CHA MIAKA 5 HADI 10

(a)     Ujenzi wa Bomba la Gesi Asilia hadi Dar Es Salaam:

Kuuza Gesi Asilia Jijini Dar es Salaam, kitovu cha uchumi wa Tanzania (80% ya mapato ya nchi yetu yanazalishwa Dar Es Salaam) ni uamuzi mzuri wa ki-uchumi. Tayari kuna viwanda

34 vinatumia Gesi Asilia ambavyo vinahitaji kupanua shughuli zao endapo gesi zaidi itapatikana. Soko kubwa la Gesi Asilia lipo tayari Dar es Salaam (na siyo Mtwara), ambapo ipo mitambo ya kufua umeme kwa kutumia mafuta. Serikali inatumia fedha nyingi za kigeni kununulia mafuta ya kufua umeme tunaoutumia kila siku. Takribani Dola za Marekani Bilioni Moja (sawa na Shilingi Trilioni 1.6) kwa mwaka zitaokolewa kutokana na mitambo iliyopo nchini ikifua umeme kwa kutumia Gesi Asilia na kuachana na mafuta ambayo ni ya bei kubwa sana. Bei ya umeme kwa uniti moja (KWh) ya umeme unaofuliwa kutumia dizeli na mafuta ya aina nyingine ni kati ya Senti za Marekani 30 hadi 45 na huku bei ya uniti moja hiyo hiyo ni Senti za Marekani 6-8 kwa umeme utokanao na Gesi Asilia na zinapungua na wakati wa matumizi.

Vilevile, takribani Dola za Marekani millioni 202 kwa mwaka zitaokolewa iwapo Jiji la Dar Es Salaam litatumia Gesi Asilia badala ya mafuta katika magari, taasisi na majumbani. Fedha

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hizi zikiokolewa zitatoa mchango mkubwa kwenye uchumi wa Taifa letu kwa manufaa ya Wa-Tanzania wote wakiwemo wale waliondamana na wale walioratibu maandamo ya Mtwara Mjini ya tarehe 27 Disemba 2012.

(b) Umeme mwingi zaidi kutokana na Gesi Asilia:

Bomba la Gesi Asilia linalojengwa litasafirisha gesi nyingi zaidi ambayo itawezesha mitambo mipya itakayojengwa Kinyerezi (Dar Es Salaam) kufua umeme wa zaidi ya MW 990. Umeme mwingine utafulia Somanga Fungu (Lindi) wa kiasi kisichopungua MW 520.

(c)  Usafirishaji na usambazaji wa umeme nchini mwetu:

Dar es Salaam ndiko kuna miundombinu mikubwa ya usafirishaji na usambazaji wa umeme kuliko mikoa mingine yote, hivyo ni uamuzi wa ki-uchumi unaotulazimisha kusafirisha Gesi Asilia kutoka Mikoa ya Lindi na Mtwara na kuipeleka Dar Es Salaam ambako itatumika kufua umeme, na kutumika moja kwa moja viwandani, majumbani na kwenye magari.

(d) Kwa   kuzingatia   mahitaji   ya   Gesi   Asilia   yatakayojitokeza:

Bomba la kusafirisha gesi litawekewa matoleo ya kuchukulia gesi (tie-off) katika maeneo ya Mtwara, Lindi, Kilwa na Mkuranga ili kuhakikisha kuwa miji hii inakuwa na Gesi Asilia ya uhakika wakati wowote itakapohitajika. Kwa hiyo kuweka mitandao ya usambazaji wa gesi kutoka kwenye Bomba la Gesi Asilia linalojengwa kutarahisisha matumizi ya Gesi Asilia viwandani na majumbani katika Mikoa ya Mtwara na Lindi, na kwenye mikoa mingine kwa siku za baadae.

(e)Serikali   imetenga   maeneo katika pwani ya Mikoa  ya  Kusini

(Lindi na Mtwara) kwa ajili ya uanzishwaji wa maeneo ya viwanda (Industrial Parks/Estates) vikiwemo viwanda vya mbolea, Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) na Petrochemicals.

Ujenzi wa kiwanja cha sementi uko katika hatua za mwisho za maandalizi.

(f)  Ili kutengeneza mazingira mazuri ya biashara ya Gesi Asilia na Mafuta kwa kampuni za huduma, malighafi na vitendea kazi, Serikali imetenga eneo maalumu Mtwara, ambalo litawekewa

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miundombinu ya msingi ili kutoa vivutio mbalimbali kwa makampuni hayo. Eneo hilo litapewa hadhi ya Ukanda Huru wa

Bandari (Freeport Zone).

Ni lazima shughuli za kusafisha na kusafirisha Gesi Asilia zitatoa ajira katika maeneo husika. Kwa mfano kwa mitambo ya kusafishia gesi inayojengwa Madimba (Mtwara Vijijini) na SongoSongo (Kilwa, Lindi), kila mtambo utahitaji wafanyakazi na wengine watatoka Mikoa ya Lindi na Mtwara.

Watanzania wanakumbushwa kuwa raslimali zilizopo nchini ikiwemo gesi asilia, madini, makaa ya mawe, wanyama pori, misitu, milima ya utalii, mito, maziwa, bahari n.k ni za Wa-Tanzania wote kwa mujibu wa Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Raslimali hizi zinapatikana, zinatunzwa na kuzalishwa maeneo mbalimbali nchini mwetu na mapato yake yanatumika kwa maendeleo ya Wa-Tanzania wote bila kujali maeneo raslimali hizo zilipo.

Tusikubali kuvunja nchi yetu vipande vipade kwa kisingizio cha raslimali zilizopo mikoani mwetu. Tusikubali kuvunjavunja mikoa yetu kwa kisingizio cha raslimali zilipo kwenye wilaya zetu. Tusikubali kuvunjavunja wilaya zetu kwa kisingizio cha raslimali zilizopo kwenye tarafa zetu. Tusikubali kuvunjavunja tarafa zetu kwa kisingizio cha raslimali zilizopo kwenye kata zetu. Tusikubali kuvunjavunja kata zetu kwa kisingizio cha raslimali zilizopo kwenye vijiji vyetu na mitaa yetu.

MUNGU IBARIKI TANZANIA, DUMISHA UHURU NA UMOJA WETU

Prof Dr Sospeter Muhongo (Mb)

WAZIRI YA NISHATI NA MADINI

JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA

MAAMUZI YA BARAZA LA MADAKTARI KUHUSU MADAKTARI WALIOGOMA

TAARIFA  KWA UMMA JUU YA MAAMUZI YA BARAZA LA  MADAKTARI KUHUSU MADAKTARI WALIOGOMA 

UTANGULIZI

Kutokana na mgomo wa madaktari uliotokea kati ya tarehe 23 na 29 mwezi juni 2012.Wizara iliwasilisha malalamiko kwenye Baraza la madaktari Tanganyika ili lifanye uchunguzi kuhusu madaktari hao .Idadi ya madaktari wote waliogoma walikuwa 394, kati yao madaktari 376 walikuwa ni madaktari walio katika mafunzo kwa vitendo (Interns) kutoka hospitali za Muhimbili, K.C.M.C. Bugando, Mbeya Rufaa, St.Francis - Ifakara, Dodoma, Temeke, Mwananyamala, Amana, Haydom na Sekou Toure. Aidha, Madaktari waajiriwa(Registrar) 18 walishiriki katika mgomo huo kutoka hospitali ya Rufaa ya Mbeya.

Baraza lilipitia malalamiko yote na limetoa adhabu stahiki kwa kila daktari aliyethibitishwa kushiriki katika mgomo huo.  Adhabu hizo zilikuwa katika makundi yafuatayo; onyo, onyo kali na kusimamishwa udaktari kwa muda wa kati ya mwezi mmoja na miezi sita.Vile vile kuna Madaktari ambao hawakuwa na hatia ya kushiriki katika mgomo na hivyo walifutiwa mashtaka.

MCHANGANUO WA ADHABU

• Waliofutiwa mashitaka madaktari 49
• Waliopewa onyo  madaktari 223
• Waliopewa onyo kali madaktari 66
• Kusimamishwa kwa muda madaktari 30
• Mashitaka yaliyoahirishwa kutokana na wahusika kuhitaji ushauri wa kisheria madaktari 4
• Mashitaka yasiyosikilizwa kutokana na wahusika kutofika walipoitwa na Baraza madaktari 22

Wizara inakamilisha taratibu za kinidhamu kwa mujibu wa Kanuni za Utumishi wa Umma kwa Madaktari wote waajiriwa ambao walipatikana na hatia mbele ya Baraza la Madaktari.   Wizara pia imeridhia kuwapa Madaktari waliokuwa katika mafunzo kwa vitendo fursa nyingine ya kuendelea na mafunzo hayo katika hospitali za Umma walizokuwepo kabla ya kuondolewa.  Hata hivyo fursa hii haitawahusu Madaktari wote waliopewa adhabu za kusimamishwa na Baraza la Madaktari, hadi hapo watakapomaliza kutumikia adhabu zao.

HITIMISHO

Kwa taarifa hii madaktari wote waliofutiwa mashtaka na wale waliopewa onyo na onyo kali wanatakiwa kuwasilisha kwa Katibu Mkuu Wizara ya Afya na Ustawi wa Jamii barua kutoka kwa msajili wa Baraza la Madaktari ikithibitisha kurejeshewa usajili  na kuruhusiwa kuendelea na mafunzo kwa vitendo. Vile vile madaktari waajiriwa(Registrar) wanatakiwa pia kuripoti kwa Katibu Mkuu Wizara ya Afya ili kupewa barua zao kulingana na Adhabu walizopewa.  Barua hizi zitatolewa  kuanzia tarehe 2 Januari, 2013.Madaktari wote walio katika mafunzo kwa vitendo wanatakiwa kuanza kazi katika vituo vyao vya awali  ifikapo tarehe 14 Januari, 2013.Hakuna muda utakaoongezwa kwa kipindi kilichobakia cha mafunzo kwa vitendo. Kwa wale wote waliopewa adhabu wataanza kutumikia adhabu hizo kuanzia tarehe ya adhabu hiyo ilivyotolewa.

Nsachris Mwamwaja

Msemaji

WIZARA YA AFYA NA USTAWI  WA JAMII

27/12/2012

TAMKO LA MAASKOFU WA TANZANIA KUHUSU AMANI YA TANZANIA

TANZANIA CHRISTIAN FORUM (TCF)
MKUTANO MKUU WA NNE WA JUKWAA LA WAKRISTO TANZANIA (TCF)

TAMKO RASMI 

“ATUKUZWE MUNGU JUU MBINGUNI, NA DUNIANI IWE AMANI KWA WATU ALIOWARIDHIA”

Utangulizi
Katika Mkutano Mkuu wa Nne wa Jukwaa la Wakristo Tanzania, Tanzania Christian Forum – TCF, uliofanyika katika Kituo cha Mikutano na Mafunzo cha Baraza la Maaskofu Katoliki Tanzania (TEC) Kurasini jijini Dar es Salaam, tarehe 6 Desemba, 2012; Wajumbe walitafakari kwa undani juu ya kuzorota kwa mahusiano baina ya Dini mbili za Ukristo na Uislamu nchini Tanzania, pamoja na kutathmini juu ya wajibu wa Kanisa na Utume wake wa Kinabii kwa taifa letu.

Jukwaa la Wakristo Tanzania (TCF) linajumuisha taasisi kuu za Umoja wa Makanisa nchini kama ifuatavyo;-
Jumuiya ya Kikristo Tanzania - CCT
Baraza la Maaskofu Katoliki Tanzania - TEC
Jumuiya ya Makanisa ya Kipentekoste Tanzania - PCT
Kanisa la Waadventisti Wasabato – SDA (observers)

Tafakari
Tafakari yetu ilianza kwa kujiuliza yafuatayo:1. Ni mwenendo gani uliotusibu hivi karibuni kusababisha kukutana kwetu hapa?
Vikundi vya kihalifu vikiongozwa chini ya mwavuli wa waamini wa Kiislamu vimekuwa vikishambulia kwa ukali na kikatili sana imani, mali, majengo na makanisa ya Wakristo kwa jeuri na kujiamini.

2. Kwa mwenendo huo ni kitu gani kilicho hatarini?
Vitendo na mienendo yote ya namna hiyo inahujumu sana Amani, Mapatano na Uelewano kati ya watu wote nchini mwetu. Tunaelewa kwamba ni waamini wachache tu wenye kutenda maovu hayo, lakini mienendo ya kikatili ya namna hii huchochea shari miongoni mwa walengwa wa ukatili husika na kutaka kulipiza kisasi hata kusababisha uvunjifu wa amani.3. Ni athari gani kwa nchi, katika muda ujao, iwapo mienendo hiyo haitadhibitiwa na kukomeshwa kabisa?

Katika nyakati zetu hizi, tunashuhudia fadhaa na migogoro mingi ya kijamii. Kuna hasira kubwa ya chinichini inayotokana na kasoro nyingi za kiutendaji katika mihimili mikuu ya uongozi na utando mkubwa wa ufukara wa kutupwa kwa wananchi wengi usio na matumaini ya kumalizika hivi karibuni. Hatari ya hali hii ni dhahiri kwamba makundi nyemelezi (kisiasa, kiuchumi na kidini), kwa kutumia vikundi halifu vilivyo katika hali ya ufukara na migogoro, yatavielekeza kimapambano na kiharakati kutetea kijeuri ajenda hasimu za wale walio madarakani au washindani wao kwa maslahi ya wanyemelezi. Hali tunayoelezea sio ya kufikirika kwani ndiyo inayotokea huko nchini Nigeria, Kenya na nchi za Afrika ya Kaskazini hivi sasa. Tanzania haina kinga ya kipekee kuiepusha kukumbwa na maovu ya namna hiyo bila utaratibu na vyombo thabiti kuhimili mienendo hasi kama hii. Kutokana na matukio na kauli zinazotolewa na watu mbalimbali hapa nchini, inawezekana tayari wanyemelezi wako kazini wakiongoza vikundi kusukuma ajenda za kutekeleza maslahi yao.4. Masuala yanayotakiwa kufafanuliwa na kudhibitiwa na Dola mapema ili yasiendelee kupotoshwa:

• Hali ya mahusiano kuzorota pamoja na kashfa dhidi ya Kanisa.

Huu ni wakati wa kukubali kwamba misingi ya Haki, Amani na Upendo katika Taifa letu imetikiswa kwa kiwango kikubwa. Uchochezi, kashfa, matusi na uchokozi wa wazi na makusudi unaofanywa na baadhi ya waamini wa dini ya Kiislamu, ukiendeshwa na kuenezwa kupitia vyombo vyao vya habari vya kidini (redio na magazeti) mihadhara, kanda za video, CD, DVD, vipeperushi, makongamano, machapisho mbalimbali na kauli za wazi za viongozi wa siasa na hata viongozi wa dini husika (ushahidi wa mambo yote haya tunao) pasipo Serikali kuchukua hatua yeyote huku bali imekuwa ikibakia kimya tu. Ukimya huu unatoa taswira ya Serikali kuunga mkono chokochoko hizi. Jambo hili linavyoendelea kuachwa hivi hivi linaashiria hatari kubwa ya kimahusiano siku zijazo.

• Hadhi ya Baba wa Taifa kuhifadhiwa.

Huyu ni kiongozi aliyetoa maisha yake kwa ajili ya ustawi wa nchi yetu akitetea Watanzania wote bila ubaguzi wowote, akiimarisha umoja wa Kitaifa, amani na upendo kwa watu wote. Kashfa, kejeli na habari za uongo dhidi yake ni kukipotosha kizazi hiki na hata vizazi vijavyo kwa kuondoa moja ya alama muhimu ambazo kiongozi huyo alisimamia kwa ajili ya umoja wa kitaifa.

• “Memorandum of Understanding” (M.o.U) ya mwaka 1992, kwa ajili ya huduma za kijamii zitolewazo na Makanisa kwa Watanzania wote, ikiwa ni pamoja na huduma za hospitali, vituo vya afya na zahanati na shule mbalimbali zinazoendeshwa na Makanisa nchini kote. Ni vema ikaeleweka wazi kwamba makubaliano hayo (M.o.U) yalikuwa ni kati ya Makanisa ya Tanzania na Makanisa ya nchini Ujerumani ambapo Serikali ya Tanzania ilihusishwa tu, kwa vile raia wake ndio wangenufaika na misaada hiyo ambayo nchi ya Ujerumani ingeitoa kupitia Makanisa hayo. Kanisa limeendelea kujishughulisha na huduma hizi kwa jamii hata kabla ya uhuru na baada ya uhuru pasipo ubaguzi. Ikibidi ni vema kuondoa hali hii, ya Kanisa kuendelea kutukanwa, chuki na kukashifiwa viongozi wake kutokana na huduma hizi kwa jamii yote. Jukwaa la Wakristo Tanzania tunaitaka Serikali itoe tamko la ufafanuzi juu ya M.o.U hiyo, maana yake, makusudi yake na manufaa yake kwa Watanzania wote.

• Hujuma ya kuchomwa Makanisa na mali za Kanisa, ni tukio la uvamizi na uchokozi wa wazi, ulioyakuta makanisa yetu na waamini wake wakiwa hawana habari na bila maandalizi yoyote. Ni muhimu kuanzia sasa, Wakristo wote wakae macho na wawe waangalifu zaidi.

• Dhana ya kuwa Tanzania inaendeshwa kwa mfumo Kristo ni potofu na potevu.

Maneno hayo ni ushahidi wa uwepo wa ajenda za waamini wenye imani kali na waliojiandaa kwa mapambano maovu kutetea dhana potovu kinzani na misingi ya demokrasia na haki za binadamu kama ilivyotangazwa na Umoja wa Mataifa na kuridhiwa na Serikali yetu. Jukwaa la Wakristo nchini tunakanusha wazi wazi na kueleza bayana kuwa, nchi hii haiongozwi kwa mfumo Kristo!. Kwa watu walio makini hakuna kificho kuwa viongozi wote waandamizi wa ngazi ya juu Serikalini awamu ya sasa, asilimia 90 ni Waislamu (Rais wa Nchi na Amiri Jeshi Mkuu, Makamu wa Rais, Mkuu wa Usalama wa Taifa, Jaji Mkuu, Mkuu wa Jeshi la Polisi). Kwa mantiki hiyo haiingii akilini kueleza watu kuwa nchi hii inaendeshwa kwa mfumo Kristo! Kwa upande wa Zanzibar asilimia 100 ya viongozi ngazi za juu Serikalini ni Waislamu, na sio kweli kwamba Zanzibar hakuna Wakristo wenye sifa za kuongoza. Kisha, hata uwakilishi wa Tume ya Mabadiliko ya Katiba, theluthi mbili ya wajumbe wake ni Waislamu. Tunayo mifano mingine mingi iliyo wazi, na hii ni baadhi tu. Watanzania wanapaswa kuelewa wazi kuwa, nchi hii inaongozwa kwa misingi ya Utawala wa Kisheria na sio vinginevyo.

• Matumizi hasi ya Vyombo vya Habari vya Kidini:

Vyombo vya habari vya kidini vinatumiwa na viongozi wa dini ya Kiislam kuukashifu Ukristo na kuwachochea Waislamu hadharani kupitia vyombo hivyo wakiwataka wawaue Maaskofu na Wachungaji, iwe kwa siri au hadharani. Japo Serikali imesikia kashfa na uchochezi huo hatarishi, imendelea kukaa kimya, na kuwaacha wachochezi hao wakiendelea kuhatarisha amani bila kuwadhibiti. Jambo hili linatia mashaka makubwa juu ya umakini wa Dola kuhusu usalama wa wananchi nchini mwao. Imani kali za namna hii huchochea vitendo viovu vya uasi na hujuma sio tu dhidi ya waamini na viongozi wa dini fulani, bali hata na kwa Serikali na viongozi waliopo madarakani, endapo waamini wa dini fulani katika taifa kama Tanzania lililo na waamini wa dini nyingi tofauti, hawataheshimu na kutendeana kiungwana baina yao na wale wasio wa dini na mapokeo yao. Hali hii inapelekea kujiuliza kama je,huu ni wakati mwafaka kwa kila raia au kiongozi wa dini kujilinda yeye mwenyewe na waamini wake dhidi ya wenye imani kali?

• Matukio yanayosababisha hasira na kutenda maovu:

Tumejionea matukio kadhaa ambayo kwayo vikundi vya watu wenye hasira vilisababisha hujuma na uharibifu mkubwa wa mali za watu wengine. Hivyo ni viashiria tosha vya uchovu na unyonge mkubwa katika jamii yetu, ambamo jambo dogo tu na hata la kupuuzwa, likitendwa na afikiriwaye kuwa hasimu wa watu fulani, wahalifu hujipatia fursa ya kuonesha hasira yao kwa vitendo vya hujuma na shari, wakiharibu hata kuteketeza mali na nyenzo za maisha ya jamii. Suala hili lataka uchambuzi yakinifu na wa kiroho ili kupata majibu na maelezo sahihi na wala sio kwa kutumia nguvu za ziada za kijeshi au kwa majibu mepesi ya kisiasa. Hili ni suala lihusulo tunu na maadili ya jamii yote ya Watanzania katika ujumla wao. Kila mmoja wetu ni mhusika na sote tukitakiwa kuwajibikiana katika ujenzi wa amani iletayo mapatano na uelewano kati yetu.

Mapendekezo:
Kutokana na muono wetu huo tunapendekeza yafuatayo:

• Tabia na mienendo ya kukashifiana ikomeshwe kabisa na badala yake tujengeane heshima/staha tukizingatia utu wa kila mmoja katika utofauti wetu.
• Tumwendee Mungu wetu na kumwomba atuongoze sote kufuata utashi wake tukitafuta huruma yake iliyo sheheni upendo wake mkuu, ili atujalie umoja wa kuishi pamoja kwa amani nchini mwetu.
• Tunaitaka Serikali yetu na vyombo vyake vya usalama, sheria na amani kutenda mara moja na bila kuchelewa, katika nyakati ambazo vikundi halifu kisiasa au kidini vinapoanza uchochezi ili kupambanisha wanajamii. Tabia ya kuachia uchochezi wa kidini kuendelea pasipo hatua mathubuti kuchukuliwa na Dola ni udhaifu mkubwa wa uongozi na uwajibikaji. Ikithibitika kwamba uharibifu uliofanywa ulitokana na kikundi mahususi chini ya uongozi wa dini au chama cha kisiasa au asasi isiyo ya kiserikali, basi taasisi husika iwajibishwe na kulipa fidia kwa uharibifu uliofanywa.
• Lianzishwe Baraza mahsusi lililo huru lisiloegemea chama chochote cha kisiasa wala dini yoyote na litamkwe na kuwezeshwa kikatiba likiwa na dhumuni kuu la kuilinda na kuiongoza Serikali kuto fungamana na dini yoyote na kuhakikisha kwamba dira na dhana ya utu katika mfumo wa uchumi wenye kujali maslahi ya wote havipotoshwi. Baraza hilo liwe na uwezo wa kuvichunguza vyombo vya sheria na usalama itokeapo matatizo makubwa yaashiriayo uvunjifu wa haki na kuteteresha usalama wa nchi.
• Na sisi viongozi wa dini za Kikristo, Kiislam, Kihindu na nyinginezo tuwajibike katika kufundisha, na katika majiundo ya waamini wetu, hasa vijana, ili kuwajengea uelewa na utashi wa kuvumiliana kwa upendo. Katika kushuhudia na kuadhimisha imani na ibada zetu sote tutambue , tulinde na kukuza maadili, tunu na desturi za imani za watu wengine wanazo ziheshimu na kuzitukuza. Vikundi vya imani kali na pambanishi kwa kutumia kashfa potoshaji sharti vidhibitiwe kwa weledi mkubwa wa viongozi wa dini husika wakisaidiana na usalama wa taifa. Stahamala [kustahimiliana] ni fadhila inayopaswa kufundishwa na kupenyezwa katika mifumo ya uongozi na maisha ya jamii na ihifadhiwe kwa kufuatiliwa kwa karibu sana.

Hitimisho: 
Kwa sasa Kanisa liko katika vita vya Kiroho, hivyo ni vyema Waamini wote wakakumbuka kuwa, katika mapambano kama hayo Mungu mwenyewe, Mwenye enzi yote ndiye mlinzi wa watu wake na Kanisa lake.
JIBU LITAPATIKANA TU, KWA NJIA YA SALA, KUFUNGA NA MAOMBI!
Hivyo siku ya Jumanne tarehe 25 Desemba 2012, inatangazwa rasmi nchini kote kuwa siku ya sala na maombi kwa Wakristo wote na Makanisa yote nchini, pamoja na watu wote wenye mapenzi mema, kuomba kwa imani, amani katika nchi yetu, na kumkabidhi Mungu ashughulikie mipango yoyote iliyopo, ya wazi na ya kisirisiri ya kutaka kuondoa amani ya taifa hili na kuyashambulia Makanisa nchini Tanzania ishindwe na kuanguka pamoja na wale wote walio nyuma ya mipango hiyo.
1. Askofu Bruno Ngonyani (TEC) - Mwenyekiti
2. Askofu Dkt. Israel Mwakyolile (CCT) - Mjumbe (Mwenyekiti Mwenza)
3. Askofu Daniel Aweti (PCT) - Mjumbe (Mwenyekiti Mwenza)
4. Askofu Oscar Mnung’a (CCT) - Mjumbe
5. Askofu Elisa Buberwa (CCT) - Mjumbe
6. Askofu Stephen Mang’ana (CCT) - Mjumbe
7. Askofu Dkt. Peter Kitula (CCT) - Mjumbe
8. Askofu Alinikisa Felick Cheyo (CCT) - Mjumbe
9. Askofu Christopher Ndege (CCT) - Mjumbe
10. Askofu Michael Hafidh (CCT) - Mjumbe
11. Askofu Charles Salala (CCT) - Mjumbe
12. Askofu Dismus Mofulu (CCT) - Mjumbe
13. Mchg. Conrad Nguvumali (CCT) - Mjumbe
14. Mchg. Ernest Sumisumi (CCT) - Mjumbe
15. Mchg. William Kopwe (CCT) - Mjumbe
16. Askofu Thaddaeus Ruwa’ichi (TEC) - Mjumbe
17. Askofu Paul Ruzoka (TEC) - Mjumbe
18. Askofu Norbert Mtega (TEC) - Mjumbe
19. Askofu Severine Niwemugizi (TEC) - Mjumbe
20. Askofu Michael Msonganzila (TEC) - Mjumbe
21. Askofu Castorl Msemwa (TEC) - Mjumbe
22. Askofu Eusebius Nzigilwa (TEC) - Mjumbe
23. Askofu Renatus Nkwande (TEC) - Mjumbe
24. Askofu Bruno Ngonyani (TEC) - Mjumbe
25. Fr. Antony Makunde (TEC) - Mjumbe
26. Fr. Sieggried Rusimbya (TEC) - Mjumbe
27. Fr. Ubaldus Kidavuri (TEC) - Mjumbe
28. Askofu Dkt. Paul Shemsanga (PCT) - Mjumbe
29. Askofu Ability Samas Emmanuel (PCT) - Mjumbe
30. Askofu Nkumbu Nazareth Mwalyego (PCT) - Mjumbe
31. Askofu Batholomew Sheggah (PCT) - Mjumbe
32. Askofu Dkt. Mgullu Kilimba (PCT) - Mjumbe
33. Askofu Renatus Tondogosso (PCT) - Mjumbe
34. Askofu Emmanuel Mhina (PCT) - Mjumbe
35. Askofu O.S. Sissy (PCT) - Mjumbe
36. Askofu Jackson Kabuga (PCT) - Mjumbe

Press Release: Phantom Israeli And Iranian Military Bases In Eritrea

These past days Stratfor, a rather prestigious global intelligence journal based in Austin, Texas, has circulated a report entitled “Eritrea: Another Venue for the Iranian-Israeli Rivalry.” The uncharacteristic shallowness and obvious intent of the ‘report’ does not elicit any serious rebuttal. Yet, we found it appropriate to respond to it given the tsunami-scale reproduction that it has generated.

In less than 48 hours since this piece was posted in Stratfor website on December 11, 2012 at 11:15 GMT, the story was picked up [as a quick search by the title yielded some 152,000 and another hour or so later 269,000 results), from sites that range from blogs to established news papers.

Some of the sites even gave the story a life of its own. For instance, the UPI.com, which boasts “over 100 years of journalistic excellence,” picked up the story as a special report (Dec. 11, 2012 at 1:52) under the title “Israel, Iran vie for control of Red Sea,” this piece is full of quotes from the original piece but failed to quote the source.

The Eritrean Center for Strategic Studies (ECSS) in its review of the ‘report’ found several areas of concern, beginning with the intention, assemblage, and not to mention its unfounded accusations, passing remarks and unsubstantiated conclusions.

Let us first focus on the easily verifiable facts: 

1.   Eritrea enjoys normative diplomatic ties with Iran. This is nothing extraordinary; neither is the relationship particularly close or special.   Indeed, it is not different, by any measurable yardstick, from the warm diplomatic ties that Eritrea enjoys with all other countries in the Middle East.  Eritrea has in fact resident embassies in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, the Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait while it is represented in Iran by a non-resident Ambassador.  Furthermore, Iran has much deeper economic ties and resident embassies (which is not the case in Eritrea) with all other countries in the Horn of Africa; including Ethiopia, Djibouti and the Sudan.  True, Eritrea had signed a loan agreement³ worth 25 million Euros with Iran in April 2009, during the visit of President Isaias to Tehran.  But this amount is much smaller than Iranian development assistance or investments in Ethiopia or the Sudan.  Furthermore, according to Eritrean Government sources, the loan, which was essentially a commercial credit to buy construction materials and other commodities from Iran, was not executed in time due to various administrative delays and was dropped altogether later.

2.   Eritrea also enjoys diplomatic ties with Israel.  Again this is not peculiar or extraordinary in any sense of the word although both Israel and Eritrea have resident ambassadors in each other’s capital.  Investment and trade ties between the two countries are not that significant.

3.   Eritrea has never granted Iran or Israel, or both of them as it is ridiculously maintained by Stratfor, military bases or outposts in its inland territories or waterways and islands.  And yet, for reasons better known to its authors, these wild stories have been circulating intermittently for some years now.   A couple of years ago, for instance, the London-based Sunday Times quoted obscure Israeli Security officials to ascertain, in a rather long article: “Israel is said to have two Eritrean bases, one a ‘listening post’ for signals intelligence , the other a supply base for its German-built submarines while … Iran has a naval base in the Eritrean port of Assab”.  The Israeli Prime Minister subsequently  lamented Iran’s “increasing influence” in Eritrea in an interview with Fox News shortly afterwards although he reportedly retracted his statement later in an apologetic official communication to the Government of Eritrea⁴. 

4.   How Eritrea can be thought of simultaneously offering military bases and host two mortal enemies in adjacent patches of its territory is really mind boggling.  One might argue that in abstract legal terms, Eritrea has, as a sovereign state, every prerogative and right to enter into military and economic alliances with any country of its choice and in accordance with the exigencies of its national interests.   The signing of bilateral or multilateral pacts and alliances is indeed a matter of Eritrea’s sovereign political choices.   Various publications and official statements nonetheless confirm that the Government of Eritrea does not subscribe to the notion of providing military bases to major international or regional powers.  The public statement⁵ issued by Eritrea’s Foreign Ministry in response to the Sunday Times article in fact emphasizes that “Eritrea’s sovereign choice has always been, and remains, that of aversion to dependency, polarized alliances and the suzerainty” of a big brother.  In any case, Eritrea would not be so foolhardy, reckless or myopic to mortgage its land and territory as a battleground for two avowed enemies in exchange for possible short-term gains. 

In the event, why Stratfor ignored, without serious research or validation,  these well known facts  and chose to recycle the mendacious innuendos that are already available in the market remains a mystery.  Straftor did not, in fact, bring new information or fresh and credible evidence to what it evidently considered was a “sensational scoop”.  And on the basis of this false presumption, it proceeded to dissect the “plausible explanations of motive and environmental constraints” that must have impelled the Government of Eritrea to play with fire!  As we shall briefly demonstrate below, these presumptions are even more tenuous and flawed. 

Straftor’s ‘analysis’ is anchored on “two key geopolitical constraints and multiple security concerns,” that, in its view, afflict Eritrea and that it has to grapple with as the new kid-in-the-block.  One of these is described, in very hyperbolic terms, as “the existential threat of invasion from Ethiopia.”  Stratfor does not analyze and tell us, in the first place, why and how a border war, that is fully resolved now to all legal purposes and intents, morphs into an “existential and permanent threat of invasion”.  Surely, both countries can co-exist and cultivate mutually beneficial ties of friendship, cooperation and alliance if both countries subscribe to, and abide by, normative principles of international law.  Past and current Ethiopian regimes may not as yet be beholden to these objectives although the new Government in Addis Abeba is going out of its way “to talk the language of peace”.   However this plays out in reality in the months ahead, the border problem between Eritrea and Ethiopia does not, objectively, fall into the category of “existential conflicts”.  

But there may be external forces that are wedded to, and are prodding, Ethiopian internal agendas that could trigger another round of conflict and war.  Stratfor’s report may be alluding to the centrality of the external dimension when it confirms US endorsement of Ethiopia’s past practices and perhaps inchoate agendas. Although Stratfor chose to gloss over the issue, Ethiopia could not have managed to violate fundamental pillars of international law to occupy sovereign Eritrean territories with impunity without overarching US political and diplomatic support and protection.   But it is instructive to note that the report tacitly legitimizes Ethiopia’s belligerent ambitions when it cryptically amplifies Ethiopia’s drawbacks as “the largest landlocked country in Africa.” This is the repackaging of the old ‘head-and-hectare-mentality’, which justified that Eritrea, with small territory and population, should be sacrificed at the altar of big regional [Ethiopia] and international [mainly US] interests. This old strategic thinking has been repackaged to justify the possibility of another Ethiopian attempt of re-invasion of Eritrea.

Stratfor’s gross anti-Eritrean bias is further demonstrated when the report gullibly parrots the false narrative that “Eritrea lost the war”. What criteria did Stratfor employ to reach such a conclusion?  There are much deeper issues that the ‘report’ needs to dig out regarding the conduct of the Eritrea-Ethiopia war if it really wishes to form an informed opinion.  What transpired during those fateful three Ethiopian offensives is now history.  However, just to highlight the sloppiness of the report:  while categorically stating that “Eritrea had lost the war”, it simultaneously asserts, in the next sentence, that Eritrea “repelled the Ethiopians and safeguarded its independence.”  Still, it wrongly insinuates the death toll of 70,000 as the casualties suffered by Eritrea.  Eritrea’s losses in the war were less than a third of this figure even if this remains horrendously high in terms of its population size.  Ethiopia’s losses exceeded 70,000 by its own official admissions.  But the central issue at stake is not the arithmetic of each country’s human losses.  War cannot be justified under any conditions; there is no acceptable threshold as far as human losses in either country is concerned and the unnecessary death of even a single person cannot be condoned.

Stratfor further drifts into what it considers geopolitical chess games to casually assert: “Eritrea has turned to the Middle East for alliances and assistance.”  And without factual evidences or solid premises, it simply tells us that Eritrea has become a close ally of Iran, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt and then concludes that “Eritrea and its waters have become another venue for Iran and Israel’s rivalry”.  As we intimated before, these assertions are not substantiated by facts and figures that illustrate the depth of these “close” ties.  They are not put in regional perspective to gauge whether Eritrea’s ties with these countries are on a higher plane than those of the Sudan, Ethiopia or Djibouti.  There is no investigation to find out whether these “close ties” begun after the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia or whether they predate them and have thus no correlation with the antagonistic relationships that obtain today between the two neighboring countries.

In as far as Iran is concerned, the report alleges that Eritrea had struck a deal with Iran “to maintain a military presence in Assab - officially to protect the state-owned, renovated, Soviet-era oil refinery there.”  Straftfor does not provide us with the plausible evidence that such an agreement ever took place.  As described before, the two countries did sign a commercial loan agreement in April 2009 and this document is in the public domain.  Secondly, the Assab refinery, which was built by the Soviet Union in 1968 has not been renovated in the last twenty years and it has not been functional for almost ten years now.  Third, what would be the rationale for Eritrea to seek Iranian military presence in order to protect a small, outdated, oil refinery?  

How Stratfor can publish such a flawed and silly report without checking its facts is really surprising.  The more so as the journal has earned a well-deserved reputation for insightful and original analysis of issues and events of critical geopolitical importance.   Although we would not like to speculate without any substantial information and thus fall into the same trap, we would nonetheless hope that it has not been lured by tabloid considerations of publishing any “sensational story” for commercial gains.  We also hope that it has not served, unwittingly, as a credible platform and conduit for some intelligence agencies that may have an interest in planting a fabricated story in pursuit of their sinister objectives against Eritrea.  Whatever the case, there are no military bases of Iran and/or Israel in Eritrea.  Indeed, at this age of preponderant cyberspace technology, the locations and details of these bases would have long been publicly available with all the required resolutions and precisions unless, i.e., they are mere phantoms that exist in the crooked minds of the detractors and arch-enemies of Eritrea.   These cannot, after all, be matters of sheer speculation, sinister disinformation or seemingly informed guesswork.   

Released By:

Eritrean Centre for Strategic Studies (ECSS) 

Asmara, Eritrea.

MTWARA WAFANYA MAANDAMANO YA KUPINGA GESI KUPELEKWA DAR