July 6, 2012
Thank you very much, and thanks to the Government of France for hosting  this. I want to support what Minister Davutoglu just said, because the  Friends of Syria has been a very useful device to build pressure against  the Syrian regime and to build international support for the Syrian  people. 
For more than a year, those who spoke for the Syrian opposition said  they did not want any foreign intervention. And we respected that. And  it is something that we took seriously. Starting in Tunis and then in  Istanbul and now in Paris, we are focused on determining what we can do  to try to hasten the end of this regime and to provide the circumstances  for an effective process of transition and reconciliation.
 What was accomplished in Geneva by the action group was, for the very  first time, to enlist not only all five permanent members of the  Security Council including Russia and China, but also important leaders  in the region and in the Arab League in support of such a transition.  The issue now is to determine how best to put into action what was  accomplished there and is continuing here. And I really hope everyone  reads the communique from Geneva, because for example, one of the  earlier speakers from Syria expressed concern there was nothing about  political prisoners. Well, indeed there is. And a call for the release  from detention. So it would be very helpful to get everybody on the same  page if we’re going to work together about what we have already done  and what we need to be doing as we move forward.
 Under the Geneva communique, the opposition is for the first time put  on an even basis with the government. They are given equal power in  constituting the transition governing entity that will have, as we just  heard, full executive authority. That could not have been imagined three  months ago, let alone a year ago.
 So although none of us here is satisfied or comfortable with what is  still going on inside of Syria, because it is against every norm of  international law and human decency for a government to be murdering its  own people, there has been in the last several months, starting in  Tunisia, a steady, inexorable march toward ending this regime. What we  need to do is to follow through on what each of us can contribute to the  end of the Assad regime and the beginning of a new day for Syria.
 I applaud what was accomplished in Cairo a few days ago. It was the  largest, most inclusive gathering of opponents to the Assad regime ever  convened. They came together to support a detailed transition plan that  builds on Kofi Annan’s guidelines. They created a follow-up committee,  including some of Syria’s brightest young people – after all it is their  future that we are hoping to improve – and we expect the Syrian  opposition now to begin to implement that transition plan.
 We also think it is imperative to go back to the Security Council and  demand implementation of Kofi Annan’s plan, including the Geneva  communique that Russia and China have already agreed to. So we now have  them on record supporting a transition. And we should  go back and ask for a resolution in the Security Council that imposes  real and immediate consequences for non-compliance, including sanctions  under Chapter VII.
 Now what can every nation and group represented here do? I ask you to  reach out to Russia and China and to not only urge, but demand that  they get off the sidelines and begin to support the legitimate  aspirations of the Syrian people. It is frankly not enough just to come  to the Friends of the Syrian People, because I will tell you very  frankly, I don’t think Russia and China believe they are paying any  price at all – nothing at all – for standing up on behalf of the Assad  regime. The only way that will change is if every nation represented  here directly and urgently makes it clear that Russia and China will pay  a price, because they are holding up progress – blockading it – that is  no longer tolerable.
 And let me also add that confronted with the regime’s non-compliance,  it is difficult to imagine how the UN supervision mission can fulfill  its responsibilities without a Chapter VII enforcement mechanism. I  think General Mood and his team have performed an extraordinary task,  but it is clear unarmed observers cannot monitor a ceasefire that does  not exist.
 Next, what can you all do? You can tighten the financial vise,  squeezing the regime. The second meeting of the sanctions working group  in Washington last month called for all states to take additional steps  to freeze the assets of regime officials, restrict transactions with the  commercial and central banks, and embargo Syrian oil. Since then,  Switzerland, the European Union, Japan, and Australia have all announced  additional measures. And the regime is becoming more isolated, which  will help to hasten its end because its business support will finally  turn on it.
 Syria’s currency and foreign reserves have collapsed. Sanctions on  oil alone have deprived Assad of billions of dollars in lost revenues,  and his ability to finance his war grows more difficult by the day.  What’s keeping him afloat is money from Iran and assistance from Russia  and the failure of countries represented here to tighten and enforce  sanctions. You cannot call for transition on the one hand and give the  regime a free pass on sanctions on the other. So we need to push for  even stronger implementation at the working group meeting next to be  held in Doha on sanctions.
 I am also pleased that the Syrian Justice and Accountability Center  is now up and running, compiling evidence of serious violations of human  rights, because, after all, there can be no impunity and we need the  evidence in order to make sure there is none.
 So increasing pressure in all these ways is critical because no  transition plan can progress so long as the regime’s brutal assaults  continue. And we cannot ask the opposition to unilaterally give up their  struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. The United  States will continue providing non-lethal assistance to help those  inside Syria who are carrying the fight to organize and better  communicate.
 Now what else can we do? We can increase our humanitarian relief. The  United States is providing more than $57 million to support  humanitarian organizations, but unfortunately, the Syrian Humanitarian  Response Plan is only 20 percent funded so far. So we all need to do  more – not only now but in the future to assist with the reconstruction.
 And although the stakes for the Syrian people are literally life and  death, they are also significant for the entire world, because if Syria  spirals further into civil war, not only will more civilians die, more  refugees will stream across the borders, but instability will spread far  beyond Syria.
 This is a regime with a massive war machine. I’m sure many of you  followed the back and forth I had with the Russian Government over  sending the attack helicopters they were refurbishing back to Syria. And  I thank the United Kingdom and other European countries for very  clearly expressing their refusal to allow that ship to go forward. But  there are still those who are funding the regime and providing war  materiel. And they have shown no hesitance in continuing to do that. In  fact, the Syrian Government itself has only escalated their violence  over time.
 Given their behavior – and the chemical weapons they possess – it is  imperative that they understand their international responsibilities. So  yes, what can we do? Right now, leaving this meeting, there are a  number of things every one of us can do. And I hope that we will commit  to doing so, because clearly our message must be: We are united in  support of the Syrian people and in our absolute resolve to see the end  of the Assad regime and a transition to a democratically-elected,  representative government that gives the Syrian people a path forward.  And I think that means we, at this time, must be firm and united in  support of Special Envoy Kofi Annan’s plan and act accordingly.
 Thank you very much. (Applause.)